Honing the Ideology of the Proletarian Class to
Its Sharpest & Mightiest – The Khmer Rouge, 11/1976

Republished from Revolutionary Male & Female Youth’s, Angkar’s publication for the youth.

On the occasion of the great victory of the 16th anniversary of the birth of the Communist Party of Kam-
puchea, we wish to present five fundamental ideological and strategic documents for all comrades in the
Party, in the revolutionary ranks, and in the Revolutionary Army to routinely assess, consider, and study.
These documents will strengthen their political, ideological, and organizational stances in this new stage
of socialist revolution and socialist construction. The goal is to constantly remain a mighty political, ideological,
and organizational force that can go on the offensive to complete the 1976 missions and set up the pre-
conditions for further strong offensives to fulfill the Party’s 1977 missions in great leap victories. I. On
Socialist Revolution in Every Field Objectives: To closely grasp the true nature of socialist revolution, which
is based on class struggle between the proletarian class and the capitalist class, between the proletarian
class and the other oppressor classes, between the collective ownership rights of the proletarian class and
the private ownership rights of the various oppressor classes, and between socialist ownership rights and
private ownership rights. With this stance, our objective is to build the Party and to build our cadres and
Party members so they can successively struggle to absolutely eradicate and eliminate the true nature of
the capitalist class, the true nature of the various oppressor classes, the true nature of every type of private
ownership rights, and then to struggle to absolutely build and firmly indoctrinate the true nature of the
proletarian class, the true nature of collective ownership rights, and social ownership rights in every field.
Explanation of the Objectives: We study documents on socialist revolution in every field in order to absorb
socialist revolution. In order to build ourselves, we must understand the true nature of socialist revolution.

We must understand the targets of attack of socialist revolution in order to hit them accurately. The target
that has to be struck is the true nature of the capitalist class in every field: economics, culture, social action,
psychology, etc. When we know these clearly, we are able to prepare our weapons correctly, then strike and
break them open. If the targets to be struck are not clearly designated or are unclear, we cannot strike them
effectively — attacking for one day and missing; attacking for one year and missing; attacking for ten years
and still missing. This matter is not beyond the capacity of the fundamental class. In fact, it matches the
capacity of the fundamental class. They have no burdensome ownership rights in terms of materials or
intellect, so they find it easy to eradicate them. The strength of ownership rights inside the fundamental
class is weak. But socialist revolution is also carried out within various other classes that do have material
and intellectual ownership rights, such as the capitalists and the intellectuals. They face difficulties because
their ownership rights impede their understanding and do not let them absorb socialist revolution. No matter
how it is explained, the struggle does not open them up. They can only be opened up by the use of concen
-trated heavy artillery strikes. Therefore, the targets that must be struck in socialist revolution lie not just
within the capitalist class; they exist in the worker class as well. Striking those within the worker class is
easier. Within the capitalist class it is more difficult. The targets for building are: building the proletarian
stance, collective ownership rights, and socialist ownership rights. Therefore, we must keep a close grasp
on this matter. We build ourselves and we build our Party inside this framework, not all over the place all
the time. We strike right at the problem. Core Content of the Documents: The true nature of socialist
revolution What must we struggle to eradicate, and what must we build upon? Who must we struggle
to eradicate, and who must we struggle to build upon?

Why do we struggle to eradicate the capitalist class, the oppressor classes, and private ownership, and
why do we strengthen the stance of the proletarian class and the stance of the collective? 1. The True
Nature of Socialist Revolution The true nature of socialist revolution is the true nature of class struggle
between the proletarian class and the capitalist class. It is different from the true nature of the national
democratic revolution, which was a class struggle between the people and the imperialists, the feudalists,
and the reactionary capitalists. This was the original meaning of socialist revolution. In current Kampuchean
society there is still class struggle between the proletarian class and the various oppressor classes, and
between the collective ownership of the proletarian class and the private ownership of all the various
other classes. This is why we also attack the various oppressor classes and attack private ownership.
Therefore, the true nature of socialist revolution is class struggle between the proletarian class and the
capitalist class and the various other oppressor classes, and between the collective ownership of the
proletarian class and private ownership. Is raising it this way correct or incorrect? In our society, are the
imperialists all gone yet? Are the feudalists and the capitalists all gone yet? The imperialists in appearance
are scattered, but they still trouble us. The feudalist class and the capitalist class have in fact been over
-thrown, but the true nature of the contradiction still exists. It still exists in terms of politics, ideology, stances,
and class rage. Therefore, we are not raising it incorrectly. As for private ownership, it still exists. There
is still private ownership among the worker class. We struggle to eradicate this private ownership for the
sake of collective ownership and socialist ownership. If we attack only the capitalist class, we do not gain
mastery and we are not vigilant about whatever is non-capitalist. Another experience: In the international
arena, revisionism comes from being in deadlock by attacking only the capitalists.

Anything that is not capitalist is not seen and not attacked. But the private ownership that occurs within the
Party, in the army, and among the people is not seen and not attacked. Therefore, private ownership keeps
on strengthening and expanding. When private ownership expands, collective ownership shrinks. This is
why we attack private ownership. This attack has to be constant and long-term. Private ownership cannot
be eradicated immediately. It demands constant, strenuous, and successive attacks. We raise this point
following the actual situation of our revolutionary movement. We raise it this way so it will be firm. If not, our
workers, our peasants, and our petty bourgeoisie will strengthen and expand their ownership rights. Private
ownership is the true nature of the capitalists. When private ownership strengthens and expands, it seizes
the opportunity to seize collective property to sell and barter. So then, it is the true nature of the capitalists.
The only difference is whether the capitalists are small or large. Is raising it this way being rightist? Generally
speaking, it is not being rightist. Is it being leftist? This question is outdated because we have already done
this. We have already attacked and overthrown the capitalist class and the feudalist class, and we are still
on the attack. The private ownership of the petty bourgeoisie, of the peasants, and of the workers — we attack
that too. We did not attack haphazardly. We attacked by setting up a collective regime. We built. As for them,
they have been charging that this was being leftist for a long time now. During the political struggle when we
struggled with Sihanouk, they charged that we were being leftist. During the armed struggle and the civil war,
they charged that we were being leftist; they said we were taking risks. But when we reassess this, we see
that by struggling like this we were able to protect forces, strengthen and expand forces, and prepare and
organize the views and stances of the people, the Party, and the Army to counter the 1970 coup. When we
did not negotiate in 1973, they charged that we were being leftist. Our withdrawing the people from the cities
and our not using money — they charged that this was being leftist.

But we had our reasons, and the movement has shown that we were correct. Now everyone accepts that we
were correct. Therefore, in assessing whether our line was leftist or not, it is imperative to base that upon the
movement. It must not be based on dogma. 2. What Must We Eradicate, and What Must We Build Upon? We
must do this in every field: world view (our understanding), life view (our understanding of our lives), our lives,
our economy in every field, culture, the arts, literature, sentiments, ideology, and ideas. Struggle to eradicate
what? Eradicate capitalist world views; eradicate the world views of various classes; eradicate private world
views. Build what? Build proletarian class world views; build proletarian class life views; build proletarian class
economy; build proletarian class sentiments; build proletarian class morality. The Meaning in Actual Implementation:
Ordinarily in our Party, generally speaking, there are positive and negative qualities. As a positive, the true nature
of socialism exists to a certain extent. We have struggled and eradicated anything that was capitalist, that was
oppressor class, and that was private ownership stance to an important extent. But shortcomings still exist in
terms of world view, life view, economics, and various class moralities. So then, these appear as manifestations
of material ownership in some miscellaneous problems. These problems are still minor, but they are private
ownership — a manifestation not yet fully in accordance with socialist revolution. It is not yet pristine. When we
take a stance of socialist revolution and look, we see that, whether we look at ourselves or at our units, socialist
revolution and socialist construction are not yet smooth. There are still entanglements. There is also still some
ownership in terms of power. Aside from this, our thinking in our lives, life views, and world views are not yet
pristine — not yet pristine in a proletarian sense. The thinking differs from the collective and from socialism.

The thinking is preparatory and confused between the private and the collective. At times it is crystal clear; at
times it is not. It is not clean. In the work process: Leadership work, other work, joint work, and separate work
are generally strong. But there is another aspect that we must examine: there are still a number of shortfalls;
there is still some slowness. This comes from the stances of some of our comrades not being very concerned
with the socialist revolution movement; also inside each of us these two aspects still exist. Among our cadres
there is a talent for socialism, but there are still shortfalls. For example: their talent for frugality in the use of
machinery and various things. They do not yet conserve and do not yet maintain. This has a great impact on
socialist construction. One impact: there is nothing else left for use. Another impact: we have to purchase
more. That cadres are like this is not primarily a cadre problem; it is a Party problem. This example makes
it clear that there are still contradictions: contradictions between socialism and non-socialism. They are not
strong contradictions, but they do impede the socialist revolution movement and socialist construction. Many
tools are made, but many lathe bits are broken since socialist revolution is not yet good. A good spirit of soc
-ialism has not yet progressed from not having the know-how to maintain collective property. It is the same in
the various ministries. It is the same in the cooperatives. When the Party is solid, it will certainly cast a good
influence upon the masses in the cooperatives. So then, organizing and caring for cattle, water buffalos, hoes,
knives, and hatchets is not doing it by yourself, but organizing other persons to be responsible for that, then
successively educating, indoctrinating, and building them. About matters being slow — is that strong or not?
In the Party, in the offices, in the factories, and in the cooperatives, some people are surging forward strongly,
some are making moderate progress, some are playful and non-concerned, and some are lazy. Those surging
forward strongly must push the others on by indoctrinating them in the stance of socialist revolution.

Those with intermediate momentum must push the others to gain momentum. As for those who are playful and
non-concerned, this comes from revolutionary fires not being strong. Leaving it like this will impact our socialist
revolution movement, impact the life of our revolution, and impact the defense of the country. For example: If
only 1.5 tons of paddy per hectare can be achieved instead of three tons, this impacts the work of defending
the country and building the country. Seeing this, in order not to procrastinate, it is imperative to light a mighty
fire for them. Is it too late or not? It is not too late, because the 1976 plan is not yet finished. We have already
transplanted most of the land, but we must prepare the remaining 20 percent to help link it to the previous 80
percent that had some shortfalls. This is the first thing. Second, it is imperative to care for the 80 percent well
by pulling weeds, adding water, adding fertilizer, and by pushing the spirit of socialist revolution and the stance
of socialist revolution. If we further procrastinate and are not vigilant in caring for the 80 percent that has already
been done, it will become even weaker. 3. Who Must We Struggle to Eradicate, and Who Must We Struggle to
Build Upon? It is imperative to struggle to eradicate and to struggle to build inside the entire Party, inside all core
organizations, inside the entire revolutionary ranks, inside the entire worker-peasant collective, and inside the
whole society. In particular, it is imperative to struggle to eradicate and to struggle to build each individual, and
even more importantly each cadre and each Party member. Each Party member and each cadre must eradicate
everything inside themselves — regardless of whether it is large or small — that is oppressor class and private
ownership in terms of stance, view, sentiment, habit, literature, or arts. Building is the same. It is imperative to
build everything that is collective and socialist: to build proletarian class world views and proletarian life views,
to build proletarian class stances in terms of thought, living habits, morality, sentiment, etc. The Method of Building:
It is imperative to have clear boundaries between private ownership and collective ownership, and between the
stance of the private and the stance of the collective. Think privately or think collectively.

Anything turning toward the private must be eradicated. Ordinarily, on some matters we stand on the side of
the collective, but in others we stand on the side of the private. When we stand on the side of the private, this
contradicts the collective. On everything, in thinking or in doing, do not stand on the side of the private; it is
imperative to stand with the collective. In both thought and sentiment, prepare and build the reflex of sitting
oneself down on the side of the collective. Sort out contradictions inside the Party and among the people by
standing on the side of the collective in order to think, to figure out, and to solve. Stand on the side of the
collective to organize. If we stand on the boundary, things will be in turmoil and not firm. When the objective
entices, even a little, we come to the private side. When we are standing on the collective side, even though
the objective pulls us, we have time to think; when we think, we become aware that we are sliding toward the
private side and we can immediately run back toward the collective side. In listening to reports, it is imperative
to stand upon the collective. Even when sorting out contradictions between our country and some other cou-
ntry, stand on the side of the collective. When they profit, our joint revolutionary movement loses. Sorting out
person-to-person contradictions is the same. If we stand with this person and raise one to negatively impact
the other, doing so would be a loss. If we see some individual and correct them by putting them down without
seeing their virtues and mentioning their virtues to build them, that would be a mistake. So, immediately stand
on the side of the collective. Don’t stand on the boundary. Stand deeply into the collective side. Get ready;
prepare yourself; sit down immediately, looking at the collective chair. In assessing any problem, you must
assess yourself to see whether or not you are on the collective side. Whenever we say that we are standing
on the collective side but the outcome of the solution impacts the collective negatively, our stance is not yet
correct; our line of solution is not yet correct; we must reassess our stance.

Morals are the same. Suppose that you are living along with women. After a while, the material atmosphere
leads to sentimentality. If we stand upon the collective, we must immediately sort out this arrangement. If we
strengthen and expand the arrangement of living close to these women, that is a strong private stance. After
a while that strong private stance impacts morality. And don’t place blame on the objective, saying they gave
us private chairs to sit in, because no one gave us chairs. Private chairs surround us. We must find a collective
chair and constantly hold tight to that collective chair. 4. Why Do We Struggle to Eradicate the Capitalist Class,
the Oppressor Classes and Private Ownership, and Why Do We Strengthen the Stance of the Proletarian
Class and the Stance of the Collective? To build socialism to be mighty. Only after eradicating everything
that is capitalist class, everything that is oppressor class, and everything that is private, can we whip up the
movement to build socialism quickly and well. In the factories, in the cooperatives, in the offices — conserve
well, use well, work well, build socialism well, and defend the country well. Defend the fruits of the revolution
well, and cast good influence outside the country. Sort out the livelihood of the people well. The people
will grow even stronger. The forces of the revolution will grow even stronger. Therefore, the primary root
-and-trunk source is the true nature of socialist revolution: the imperative to struggle to eradicate every-
thing that is capitalist class, everything of the various oppressor classes, and everything that is private
ownership. This is speaking in general terms. Speaking specifically, it is the same. In a cooperative,
even if there is only one Party member, if their proletarian stance is good they will clearly build core
organizations following the stance of socialist revolution to push the socialist revolution movement
in that cooperative to become mighty.